Scientists argue that gender affects foreign policy and security policy, that ideas of gender are inconstant and that there is a lack of feminist perspectives in International Relations. The changes seen in the global security context may have challenged the way politicians and scientists understand war and its impacts, and led to increased gender awareness.Using securitization theory and feminist international relations theory, the aim is to examine how women and men are being spoken of in the Swedish foreign policy discourse regarding participation in the UN-led stabilization mission Minusma in Mali. By applying a feminist perspective on the securitization process, the intention is to increase the knowledge of whether there is gender awareness in this context.The result shows that there is limited gender awareness. There is minor consideration for the conflict?s different implications on the situation for women and men.

In this essay I analyze the concepts security and security policy from a critical, feministic point of view. The traditional way of thinking security is state-centred and narrow with its military oriented threatening pictures and solutions.I advocate that the two concepts need a more feministic and holistic approach to be able to cope with the threats of our time and include the security for women explicitly.To suggest how this can be done I introduce a model; security-sphere, which should be seen as a way to constructively connect my objections to the existing research with a new approach to security problems. The security-sphere is based on two analytical parts; the private security sub-sphere and the public security sub-sphere, in order to make new images of security problems visible.It is a fact that most of the threats against women specifically, take place in the private sphere where no traditional analytical tools reach in - these threats have not been seen as 'real' security problems. My aim is therefore to integrate these issues into the agenda of security policy..

The purpose of my work is to understand and examine the reasons why Ethiopia has not developed a larger decline of female genital mutilation, despite their ban on it? A ban that has been operating for ten years should reasonably have reached a greater change than the one Ethiopia has developed today. Based on two different branches of feminist theory, the liberal feminist theory and radical feminist theory, I will try to understand the potential power relationship that can be a immense reason for Ethiopia's continued practice with regard to female genital mutilation. I will examine the liberal feminist approach when it comes to seeing the state as the source of the balance of power that generate inequality in the world between men and women. I will also apply the radical feminist theory on my case study and understand the problem of patriarchy and its already set roles for men and women that we are following in the society today, resulting in gender inequality. The result shows that the radical feminist approach with patriarchy as essential explanation, which articulates that because of ancient traditions and the exercise of power, the amendment must be the changing of power relations between men and women in the private sphere rather than the liberal feminist approach which applies that the state repair the problem..

Den tilltagande betydelsen av att skydda civilbefolkningen i fredsbevarande operationer har genomgått en påtaglig utveckling, följt av delade meningar om vad säkerhet innebär. Jag framhåller att utvecklingen skall förstås som specifikt problematisk i den meningen att kvinnor har blivit alltmer utsatta i konflikter, vilket samtidigt beskrivs som ett understuderat förhållande inom forskningsområdet. Med utgångspunkt i Feminist Security Theory syftar den här uppsatsen till att studera förekomsten av ett feministiskt perspektiv i internationell säkerhetspolitik. I samband med antagandet av UNSCR 1325 om kvinnor, fred och säkerhet år 2000 beskrevs för första gången kvinnorsställning i konflikter i form av en säkerhetsfråga och därmed inte längre enbart inkluderat i FN:s mänskliga rättigheter. Således bereddes utrymmeför nya möjligheter att hantera säkerhetsutmaningar på.

The essay begins by asserting that the theoretical approaches of men?s violence against women are just as important to study as its extent. The purpose is therefore to analyse and compare two theoretical approaches which is done by a comparative text analysis of two texts written on the subject. The essay attempts to answer two questions; what the theoretical approaches are and how they can be understood in light of feminist theory.Previous research on men?s violence against women discuss especially three theoretical aspects.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how theory and practice intertwines through theactivism of the feminist punk performance collective Pussy Riot. I have also focussed on the political tools with which the activism is performed. Within the academic context of gender studies, I believe there is a need for research that aims to reduce the gap between scholarly and activist feminism. The theoretical framework for the analysis in this essay consists of material feminist theory and postmodern theory. The empirical material is a diversified assemblage of images, court excerpts, newspaper columns, interviews, lyrics and videos.

Trafficking in human beings and prostitution is an increasing occurrence within the EU. However, vast differences in legal frameworks regarding prostitution can be detected among member states.The Netherlands is an example where prostitution is regarded a legal activity. In other member states legal standings toward prostitution remain ambivalent, where Sweden here serves an example. Finally, Lithuania is among member states where prostitution is considered illegal.The purpose of this paper is therefore to study underlying attitudes and approaches that these three countries have in this rather delicate political question. By interpreting the content and quoting parts of propositions, an ideology analysis is constructed.The theory chapter consists of Rousseau?s theories, Objectivism, Radical Feminist Theory, and Sex-positive Feminist Theory.

This thesis is a discourse theory analysis of two feminist anthologies - Det heter feminism! and F- ordet.  By analyzing these texts through the three categories feminism & feminists, gender equality & equality and sex/gender & sexuality I have raised questions about the feminist debate in Sweden in the 21st century.The discourse theory?s ideas of descriptions of reality and fixation of meaning lies as a foundation for this thesis. The concepts of social constructionism, post structuralism and essentialism/anti essentialism are central for the analysis as well as concepts connected to the three previously mentioned categories.The intention of this thesis is to describe and analyze a fraction of the Swedish feminist debate in the 21st century and discuss its meaning in a societal context. A number of conclusions were reached in the final discussion.

ABSTRACTThe aim of this study is to analyse if the UN today constructs the water issue as a security issue and to argue about in which way the organization in that case does so alternatively why it can be said that the UN doesn?t construct the water issue as a security issue.In order to reach this purpose the following questions will be answered:?Does the UN construct the water issue as a security issue today?-If yes, in which way?-If no, why can it be said that the organisation doesn?t?The methods used are qualitative literature studies of policy documents on water from the UN. The focus is to analyze the ideas about water and to apply my theory on the concept of security, which is Barry Buzan?s framework on security, to these ideas.The main results showed that the UN strongly constructs the water issue as an environmental security issue for environments and species and in relatively strong terms also constructs it as an environmental security issue for civilisations. In rare cases the organisation constructs it as a societal security issue, but the UN doesn?t construct the water issue as a military, political or economic security issue..

This essay analyzes three Swedish cartoon artists: Elias Ericson, Lisa Ewald and AmandaCasanellas. The aim is to examine how they construct feminist strategies through their workand how they convey this visually. The issue of whether these Swedish cartoons can be seenas a part of a bigger political platform is central. Through semiotics and post-colonial andqueer feminist theory, some answers to these questions are searched for.The result shows that all three of the artists can be seen in a bigger activist context, even ifthey work in and through different platforms. Casanellas questions the racism in Swedenand how we should prevent it.

The aim of this Masters thesis is to conduct an analysis of the Swedish classification system the SAB-system from a feminist and queer theoretical perspective. The theoretical framework of the study is feminist and queer theory as well as theories from Library and Information Science, mainly classification theory. The study takes its departure from the idea of classification systems as social constructs, reflecting their time, place and society. Paul Ricoeurs critical hermeneutics is used as methodological guidance. This gives room for a critical perspective in the interpretation.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate and analyse the debate of ideas on gender equality policy during 1998 - 2011. The questions raised in this thesis are; which gender equality policy ideology has prevailed during 1998 - 2011, and which ideological orientation have the different ministers of gender equality expressed during the same period of time? I have conducted the study by analysing government publications and debate articles against a ideological framework consisting of different types of feminist theory. In order to get a result as representative as possible, I have only used the material from each of the ministers during their time in office. The research method that I have used when analyzing the material is qualitative text analysis.

Postcolonial feminist theory says that ones identity is constructed by severalfactor, not only gender but even culture, ethnicity and class imbedded in the socialcontext. This paper examines what happens to women's identities if the socialcontext changes. Does an identity shift occur? By interviewing five women fromBosnia-Herzegovina I try to understand the affects migration has on women?sidentity. Postcolonial feminist theory says that our identities are constantlychanging, as their constructing factors.

The aim of this thesis is to discuss and analyse the media debate about feminist self-defence, by pointing out the pros and the cons. The arguments in favour could be separated into three different parts: statistical arguments, psychological arguments and justice arguments. The counter arguments could also be separated into three parts: general arguments, violence-related arguments and gender-related arguments. In short, feminist self-defence is built on women's experiences of men's violence. It contains three different parts to help women avoid violence, threat of violence, insult and sexual harassment.

In this paper we examine what security is to the individual and how the individual creates and maintains security in their work. The purpose of this paper is to study how the creating of security in working life is performed. We conduct six semi-structured qualitative interviews with permanent employees in the private sector and we encode our material using thematic analysis. We analyze our material and illustrate our problem area on the basis of Anthony Giddens's theory of ontological security and give examples of how security and creating of security is performed at the empirical field with previous studies in the research area. Our survey shows that security for the individual at work seems to be about having continuity in everyday life, financial stability, a permanent employment, a challenging and fun job and a family in good health and good living.